/ The Indian media and Bangladesh-India relations

As Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus stated, “The Bangladesh-India relationship is deep and multifaceted. We can have our differences but that cannot define it.” We have said this many times before and reiterate now that our bilateral relationship must be based on a “win-win” policy, rooted in mutual respect, non-hegemony, and the pursuit of shared prosperity and deeper understanding. In my early days as the editor of The Daily Star, I wrote, “For India, there are only two neighbours—China and Pakistan. The rest of us are geographic entities to be praised, cajoled, reprimanded and even punished as the situation would call for.”
Sheikh Hasina’s last tenure in power (2009-mid 2024) appears to have been a period of “praise.” However, after the student-led people’s uprising toppled her regime, a powerful section of the Indian media has shifted into the “reprimand” mode, with some even suggesting “punishment.” Much of the social media discourse seems to support this.
Let me start with my unequivocal position that oppression of minorities anywhere in the world, including in my own country, must be condemned and speedily resolved. It should never recur. Communal conflict has been an age-old phenomenon in South Asia following the British colonial policy of “Divide and Rule.” It is a regrettable fact that, after 77 years of the departure of the British, we have still not been able to solve it.
After the regime change in Bangladesh, the Indian media’s coverage of events can, in my view, be categorised as follows: 1) the events that toppled Sheikh Hasina was the work of Pakistan’s ISI, the Islamists in Bangladesh, or pro-Chinese elements all aimed to replace the “India-friendly” government with an “India-unfriendly” government. There is no mention of the role of common people or of the students—of the killing of ordinary people, etc. Where is the evidence of foreign hand? What is the source of all these assertions? And yet, the vilification goes on unabated; 2) the new government is bent on persecuting Hindus and even committing “genocide,” according to some. Many of these stories were debunked by fact-checkers, including the BBC. But that did not stop or even slow down the tirade of stories demonising us; and 3) the US’s involvement was also referred to and was linked with the events in Pakistan—as in after toppling Imran Khan, the US toppled Sheikh Hasina.

In terms of covering the events of the July-August uprising by the Indian media, the following observations are striking:
1) The Indian media largely ignored the massive student-led people’s movement, which saw millions take to the streets in Dhaka, Chattogram, Rajshahi, Sylhet, Bogura and Khulna. Their focus remained almost exclusively on the sporadic violence against Hindus during the power vacuum in the first week of the transition.
2) The brutal firing on unarmed demonstrators, resulting in at least 700 deaths by August 5, was barely covered. This represents one of the most barbaric crackdowns in the recent history of South Asia, yet the Indian media gave it little attention. In the six interviews I gave to mainstream Indian outlets, there was almost no mention of the scale of the uprising or the civilian deaths, only the vandalism of symbols like Bangabandhu’s statue or the burning of government properties.
3) Even three months later, there has been no substantial coverage of the atrocities inflicted on students and civilians. The Sheikh Hasina government even resorted to firing on demonstrators using helicopters—an act of shocking cruelty. In a prompt action, the interim government fast-tracked the issuance of visas for journalists. However, the Indian journalists who visited Bangladesh focused solely on the attacks on Hindus, ignoring the broader human rights abuses by the Hasina government, thereby greatly affecting their credibility to Bangladeshi readers.
4) The Indian media’s coverage appears to be driven by concern solely for Hindus of Bangladesh, rather than the people of Bangladesh. Will that foster a healthy relationship between our two countries? I have said previously and I repeat it now that India should not see the recent events through the lens of Sheikh Hasina but through the lens of democracy.
5) In a recent video broadcast by the well-regarded news portal ThePrint, Meenakshi Lekhi, a BJP leader and lawyer, said, “The chief adviser… is seeking to rename the nation [Bangladesh] to be [the] Islamic republic of East Pakistan.” Where did she get that from? What is the source of her claim? Her column was filled with distortions and misinformation. When recounting Sheikh Hasina’s grand success, she omitted critical facts like the rigging of the 2014, 2018 and 2024 general elections—the core reason for voters’ outrage with her regime.
Along with my team at The Daily Star, I studied 56 news items appearing in the Indian media—both legacy and online—between July 9 and November 20. Except for a handful, most could be categorised as “views reports” and not “news reports,” with headings like: “To avoid election Yunus is using the excuse of reforms”; “Politics of revenge – 13 including ministers on trial”; “Will democracy at all return to Bangladesh?”; “China, ISI behind escalation of student-led protests in Bangladesh”; and “ISI conspiracy to topple Sk. Hasina and establish anti-India govt,” among others. Some TV news even called it an “Islamist takeover.” There were hardly any attempts to take a serious look at the events in Bangladesh.
If we analyse the sourcing of the news, the presentation, the headlines, and the language used in reporting, it becomes clear that it was directed at creating an impression that Hindus were not generally safe here, so that a deep hatred is generated against Bangladesh among the Indian population.
It is my conclusion that the mindset of the Indian media—and also that of a section of political leadership—is dominated by two strains of thoughts: 1) a fundamental disrespect for our intellectual ability; and 2) Islamophobia.
As for the first, Indian media coverage clearly implies that we, as a people, are incapable of determining our future. It is the Pakistanis, Chinese or the Americans—not to name the Indians, which they don’t, of course, mention—that must tell us what to do. This mindset is insulting to a nation that has fought against Pakistani cultural, economic and military oppression, and that has defeated them in an armed struggle—albeit with Indian help. It is insulting to a people who have dismantled BAKSAL imposed by the post-liberation Awami League government, defeated the autocratic rule of Gen HM Ershad, and who have now toppled what appeared to be an invincible regime of Sheikh Hasina. This mindset shows the disdain of the Indian media towards us, and that of some political leaders, one of whom compared us with termites.
The second issue is the Indian media’s Islamophobia and their total misunderstanding of the deep roots of Islam in the Muslim Bangalee psyche. People going to mosques, wearing Islamic headgear, keeping beards, using Islamic salutations, or referring to the Quran as a part of daily life are portrayed as extremists and terrorists in their eyes.
I wonder why they don’t learn from their own backyard. If the revival and strengthening of Hindu religious practices, building more temples, enshrining Hindu cultural traits, and becoming more practising Hindus are part of the present-day Indian ethos, then why should we, the Bangladeshis, becoming more Muslim make us extremists? If mass-based groups like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the Bajrang Dal, and the RSS can propagate the Hindu religion, and if a political party like the BJP, whose aim is to establish Hindutva in India, can get elected three times, then why does the reappearance of Islamic groups make us a fundamentalist country?
The Indian media and leadership must open their hearts and minds, dig deep into the cultural and religious heritage of Muslim Bengal, and try to embrace us as we are, rather than define us as they would like us to be. What the Indian people decide is the India we must accept, just as what the people of Bangladesh decide we are, India must accept. That is the only way a durable Bangladesh-India relationship can be built. The lesson for India is that regime-based relationships must be replaced by people-based relationships. For that to happen, we must understand each other better, with sincerity and respect.
Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.

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